@article {hauser:hal-03509743, title = {Asymmetries in relative clause comprehension in three European sign languages}, journal = {Glossa: a journal of general linguistics (2021-...)}, volume = {6}, number = {1}, year = {2021}, publisher = {Open Library of Humanities}, doi = {10.5334/gjgl.1454}, url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03509743}, author = {Charlotte Hauser and Giorgia Zorzi and Valentina Aristodemo and Beatrice Giustolisi and Doriane Gras and Sala, Rita and Amat, Jordina S{\'a}nchez and Cecchetto, Carlo and Caterina Donati} } @article {hauser:hal-03246691, title = {Asymmetries in relative clause comprehension in three European sign languages}, journal = {Glossa: a journal of general linguistics (2016-2021)}, volume = {6}, number = {1}, year = {2021}, pages = {72}, publisher = {Ubiquity Press}, keywords = {age of exposure, comprehension, cross-linguistic and cross-modal typology, relative clauses, Sign language, Subject/Object asymmetries}, doi = {10.5334/gjgl.1454}, url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03246691}, author = {Charlotte Hauser and Giorgia Zorzi and Valentina Aristodemo and Beatrice Giustolisi and Doriane Gras and Sala, Rita and Amat, Jordina S{\'a}nchez and Cecchetto, Carlo and Caterina Donati} } @article {6615, title = {Avoiding gaps in Romance: a processing foundation for the Merge over Move principle?}, journal = {Syntax}, year = {2020}, abstract = {

Existing evidence suggests that the parser avoids positing a movement dependency if the grammar allows it. By investigating the processing of two syntactic ambiguities that have not been previously studied, we provide more conclusive evidence for this parsing bias in two Romance languages: French and Italian. In two acceptability judgment experiments and two self-paced reading studies, we found that sentences that involved a filler-gap dependency (indirect questions in Italian and free relatives in French) were dispreferred compared to sentences involving the same lexical material but no filler-gap dependency (declarative complement clauses in both languages). Crucially, the filler-gap dependency was not dispreferred when there was no available competitor. We discuss these results as also relevant for syntactic theory and for the questionable status of Merge over Move as a grammatical principle.

}, author = {Ingrid Konrad and Massimo Burattini and Carlo Cecchetto and Francesca Foppolo and Adrian Staub and Caterina Donati} } @article {6616, title = {Against the parallelism between the NP and the clause: Evidence from idioms.}, journal = {Linguistics}, year = {2019}, pages = {1-38}, abstract = {

We argue that the counterpart of Marantz\’s generalization does not hold

in the nominal domain, because there are idioms in which the determiner and the

noun receive an idiomatic meaning while the PP that modifies the noun is not part

of the idiom (we call these \“PP-less idioms\”). We show that PP-less idioms are fully

expected if the hypothesis of parallelism between nominal structure and clausal

structure is dropped and it is assumed that the first step of the derivation in the

nominal domain involves merge of D and N.

As for the mirror image of PP-less idioms, \“PP-containing idioms\”, namely

DPs where N and the PP that follows the noun receive an idiomatic reading

while D does not, we suggest that they are not generated by syntax but are

rather the output of the morphological component.

}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0014}, author = {Carlo Cecchetto and Caterina Donati} } @conference {5535, title = {Are (all) adverbial clauses adjuncts~? }, year = {2016}, month = {07/2016}, author = {Caterina Donati and Carlo Cecchetto} }