@article {7772, title = {The empirical turn and its consequences for theoretical syntax}, journal = {Theoretical Linguistics}, volume = {50}, year = {2024}, month = {06/2024}, pages = {5-21}, chapter = {5}, keywords = {ellipsis, experiments, islands, syntax}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.1515/tl-2024-2011}, author = {Abeill{\'e}, Anne} } @inproceedings {seyssel:hal-03823002, title = {Investigating the usefulness of i-vectors for automatic language characterization}, year = {2022}, month = {May}, address = {Lisbonne, Portugal}, keywords = {i-vector, Language typology, prosody, Suprasegmental information, syntax}, doi = {10.21437/speechprosody.2022-94}, url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03823002}, author = {Maureen de Seyssel and Wisniewski, Guillaume and Dupoux, Emmanuel and Ludusan, Bogdan} } @article {aristodemo:hal-03509783, title = {Similar but different: investigating temporal constructions in sign language}, journal = {Glossa: a journal of general linguistics (2021-...)}, volume = {6}, number = {1}, year = {2021}, month = {Jan}, publisher = {Open Library of Humanities}, keywords = {Asymmetric coordination, French Sign Language, Italian Sign Language, syntax, Temporal constructions, Typology}, doi = {10.5334/gjgl.999}, url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03509783}, author = {Valentina Aristodemo and Charlotte Hauser} } @article {6617, title = {Subject object asymmetries in the production of relative clauses in Cantonese}, journal = {Studies in Chinese Linguistics}, volume = {40}, year = {2019}, pages = {168-202}, abstract = {

\ In the literature about processing of relative clauses (RCs), subject relatives (SRs) are reported to be easier than object relatives (ORs) in a number of languages, but the status of prenominal ORs in languages where the object follows the verb (SVO) is still partly controversial. This study explores the production of RCs in Cantonese in two elicited production experiments and two corpus studies. In the first elicited experiment, an overwhelming preference for SRs was observed. In two corpus studies where the context and the feature of arguments were uncontrolled, the reverse pattern was observed. In order to reconcile the two datasets, we speculate that what counts in object dependencies is the featural endowment of the subject, as in the intervention hypothesis implemented in Friedmann et al. 2009. A second elicited experiment was run to test this hypothesis. The results suggest that production of RCs in Cantonese displays a subject preference in general and that object dispreference is modulated by featural mismatch.\ 

}, keywords = {adult production, Cantonese, relative clauses, syntax}, author = {Jiaying Huang and Caterina Donati} } @inproceedings {seddah:hal-01798801, title = {Cheating a Parser to Death: Data-driven Cross-Treebank Annotation Transfer}, year = {2018}, month = {May}, address = {Miyazaki, Japan}, keywords = {Automatic Correction, Cross-annotation Transfer, syntax, treebanking, Universal Dependencies}, url = {https://hal.inria.fr/hal-01798801}, author = {Seddah, Djam{\'e} and {\'E}ric Villemonte De La Clergerie and Sagot, Beno{\^\i}t and Martinez Alonso, Hector and Marie Candito} } @booklet {nivre:hal-01682188, title = {Universal Dependencies 2.1}, year = {2017}, note = {LINDAT/CLARIN digital library at the Institute of Formal and Applied Linguistics ({\'U}FAL), Faculty of Mathematics and Physics, Charles University - Corpus - Project code: 15-10472S; Project name: Morphologically and Syntactically Annotated Corpora of Many Languages}, keywords = {dependency, harmonized annotation, Morphology, stanford dependencies, syntax, treebank, universal tagset}, url = {https://hal.inria.fr/hal-01682188}, author = {Nivre, Joakim and Agi{\'c}, {\v Z}eljko and Ahrenberg, Lars and Antonsen, Lene and Aranzabe, Maria Jesus and Asahara, Masayuki and Ateyah, Luma and Attia, Mohammed and Atutxa, Aitziber and Augustinus, Liesbeth and Badmaeva, Elena and Ballesteros, Miguel and Banerjee, Esha and Bank, Sebastian and Verginica Barbu Mititelu and Bauer, John and Bengoetxea, Kepa and Bhat, Riyaz Ahmad and Bick, Eckhard and Bobicev, Victoria and B{\"o}rstell, Carl and Bosco, Cristina and Bouma, Gosse and Bowman, Sam and Burchardt, Aljoscha and Marie Candito and Caron, Gauthier and Cebiro{\u g}lu Eryi{\u g}it, G{\"u}l{\c s}en and Celano, Giuseppe G. A. and Cetin, Savas and Chalub, Fabricio and Jinho Choi and Cinkov{\'a}, Silvie and {\c C}{\"o}ltekin, {\c C}a{\u g}r{\i} and Connor, Miriam and Davidson, Elizabeth and Marneffe, Marie-Catherine de and Paiva, Valeria de and Ilarraza, Arantza Diaz de and Dirix, Peter and Dobrovoljc, Kaja and Dozat, Timothy and Droganova, Kira and Dwivedi, Puneet and Eli, Marhaba and Elkahky, Ali and Erjavec, Toma{\v z} and Farkas, Rich{\'a}rd and Fernandez Alcalde, Hector and Foster, Jennifer and Freitas, Cl{\'a}udia and Gajdo{\v s}ov{\'a}, Katar{\'\i}na and Galbraith, Daniel and Garcia, Marcos and G{\"a}rdenfors, Moa and Gerdes, Kim and Ginter, Filip and Goenaga, Iakes and Koldo Gojenola and G{\"o}k{\i}rmak, Memduh and Goldberg, Yoav and G{\'o}mez Guinovart, Xavier and Gonz{\'a}les Saavedra, Berta and Grioni, Matias and Gr\=uz\=itis, Normunds and Guillaume, Bruno and Habash, Nizar and Haji{\v c}, Jan and Haji{\v c} jr., Jan and H{\`a} Mỹ, Linh and Harris, Kim and Haug, Dag and Hladk{\'a}, Barbora and Hlav{\'a}{\v c}ov{\'a}, Jaroslava and Hociung, Florinel and Hohle, Petter and Ion, Radu and Irimia, Elena and Jel{\'\i}nek, Tom{\'a}{\v s} and Johannsen, Anders and J{\o}rgensen, Fredrik and Ka{\c s}{\i}kara, H{\"u}ner and Kanayama, Hiroshi and Kanerva, Jenna and Kayadelen, Tolga and Kettnerov{\'a}, V{\'a}clava and Kirchner, Jesse and Kotsyba, Natalia and Krek, Simon and Laippala, Veronika and Lambertino, Lorenzo and Lando, Tatiana and Lee, John and L{\^e} Hồng, Phương and Lenci, Alessandro and Lertpradit, Saran and Leung, Herman and Li, Cheuk Ying and Li, Josie and Li, Keying and Ljube{\v s}i{\'c}, Nikola and Loginova, Olga and Lyashevskaya, Olga and Lynn, Teresa and Macketanz, Vivien and Makazhanov, Aibek and Mandl, Michael and Christopher Manning and M{\u a}r{\u a}nduc, C{\u a}t{\u a}lina and Mare{\v c}ek, David and Marheinecke, Katrin and Martinez Alonso, Hector and Martins, Andr{\'e} and Ma{\v s}ek, Jan and Matsumoto, Yuji and McDonald, Ryan and Mendon{\c c}a, Gustavo and Miekka, Niko and Missil{\"a}, Anna and Mititelu, C{\u a}t{\u a}lin and Miyao, Yusuke and Montemagni, Simonetta and More, Amir and Moreno Romero, Laura and Mori, Shinsuke and Moskalevskyi, Bohdan and Muischnek, Kadri and M{\"u}{\"u}risep, Kaili and Nainwani, Pinkey and Nedoluzhko, Anna and Ne{\v s}pore-B\=erzkalne, Gunta and Nguyễn Thị, Lương and Nguyễn Thị Minh, Huyền and Nikolaev, Vitaly and Nurmi, Hanna and Ojala, Stina and Petya Osenova and {\"O}stling, Robert and {\O}vrelid, Lilja and Pascual, Elena and Passarotti, Marco and Perez, Cenel-Augusto and Perrier, Guy and Petrov, Slav and Piitulainen, Jussi and Pitler, Emily and Plank, Barbara and Popel, Martin and Pretkalnina, Lauma and Prokopidis, Prokopis and Puolakainen, Tiina and Pyysalo, Sampo and Rademaker, Alexandre and Ramasamy, Loganathan and Rama, Taraka and Ravishankar, Vinit and Real, Livy and Reddy, Siva and Rehm, Georg and Rinaldi, Larissa and Rituma, Laura and Romanenko, Mykhailo and Rosa, Rudolf and Rovati, Davide and Sagot, Beno{\^\i}t and Saleh, Shadi and Samard{\v z}i{\'c}, Tanja and Sanguinetti, Manuela and Saul\=ite, Baiba and Schuster, Sebastian and Seddah, Djam{\'e} and Seeker, Wolfgang and Seraji, Mojgan and Shen, Mo and Shimada, Atsuko and Sichinava, Dmitry and Silveira, Natalia and Simi, Maria and Simionescu, Radu and Simk{\'o}, Katalin and {\v S}imkov{\'a}, M{\'a}ria and Simov, Kiril and Smith, Aaron and Stella, Antonio and Straka, Milan and Jana Strnadov{\'a} and Suhr, Alane and Sulubacak, Umut and Sz{\'a}nt{\'o}, Zsolt and Taji, Dima and Tanaka, Takaaki and Trosterud, Trond and Trukhina, Anna and Tsarfaty, Reut and Tyers, Francis and Uematsu, Sumire and Ure{\v s}ov{\'a}, Zde{\v n}ka and Larraitz Uria and Uszkoreit, Hans and Vajjala, Sowmya and Niekerk, Daniel van and Noord, Gertjan van and Varga, Viktor and {\'E}ric Villemonte De La Clergerie and Veronika Vincze and Wallin, Lars and Washington, Jonathan North and Wir{\'e}n, Mats and Wong, Tak-sum and Yu, Zhuoran and {\v Z}abokrtsk{\'y}, Zden{\v e}k and Zeldes, Amir and Zeman, Daniel and Zhu, Hanzhi} } @inproceedings {bernard:hal-01363201, title = {{Modelling Subordinate Conjunctions in STAG: A Discourse Perspective}}, year = {2016}, pages = {13}, address = {Bozen-Bolzano, Italy}, keywords = {Discourse, semantics, STAG, subordinate conjunctions, syntax}, url = {https://hal.inria.fr/hal-01363201}, author = {Bernard, Timoth{\'e}e} } @conference {4902, title = {Conjunctions of predicates and phrasal categories}, year = {2015}, month = {12/2015}, keywords = {conjunction, coordinate structure, syntax}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} } @conference {4892, title = {Coordinate structure {\textquotedblleft}y{\`o}u{\textellipsis}y{\`o}u{\textellipsis}{\textquotedblright} in Mandarin Chinese: A semantic and syntactic analysis}, year = {2015}, month = {05/2015}, abstract = {

\  \  \  The structure \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” is generally thought to coordinate predicates of a same subject. It describes coexisting properties or indicates actions that occur in the same time frame, and their conjuncts must belong to the same semantic domain (1-a). However, these descriptions are insufficient. Semantically, they could not explain why (1-b) is inacceptable. Syntactically, coordination of predicates with different subjects is actually possible (2-a), while constraints on it need to be specified (2-b). After analyzing 2096 examples of \“y\òu\…y\òu\…,\” we propose that (i) conjuncts of \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” should agree on their aspectual features and that (ii) \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” may coordinate predicates with different subjects if these predicates do not form independent sentences. Semantically, \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” requires that aspectual features of their conjuncts be symmetrical; asymmetric combinations are either inacceptable or marked. When the structure coordinates dynamic predicates to indicate specific actions, the conjuncts must agree on their telicity (3-a, 3-b). When a stative predicate is coordinated with a dynamic one, the dynamic predicate should either have a habitual reading (3-c) or be marked by a perfective marker (3-d): the former strategy makes a dynamic situation stative, and the latter presents it as an indecomposable whole on the axis of time, which makes it possible to be viewed as a property of an individual. Syntactically, \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” may coordinate predicates with different subjects in two conditions: (i) the coordinated propositions are related to another proposition in the sentence to indicate the cause (4-a, 4-b); (ii) the coordinated propositions share a same topic and serve to describe its properties (2-a). In other words, \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” do not coordinate independent sentences (2-b). In the first condition, \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” coordinates two subordinate propositions. In the second, the topic can be analyzed as a subject and the coordinated propositions as its predicates. To sum up, conjuncts of \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” should not only belong to identical semantic domain but also have symmetric aspectual features. This structure may coordinate predicates with different subjects while it does not coordinate different sentences. Our findings complement the grammar of \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” described in existing literature and could be useful to the teaching of this structure.

(1) a. Xiǎom\íng \ \ y\òu\  \  \ xǐ \  \  wǎn \  / \  *xǐzǎo \  \  \ \ y\òu\  \  zu\ò \ wǎnf\àn.

\  \  \  \  \ Xiaoming \ again wash \ bowl\ / take-a-bath again make dinner

\  \  \  \  \ \‘Xiaoming both did the dishes/*took a shower and made the dinner.\’

\  \  \  b. ??Xiǎom\íng y\òu\  \  \  \  xǐ-hǎo \  wǎn \ \ y\òu\  \  zu\ò \ wǎnf\àn.

\  \  \  \  \ Xiaoming \  \  again wash-done bowl again make dinner

\  \  \  \  \ \‘Xiaoming both finished the dishes and made the dinner.\’

(2) a. (*Z\ài) zh\èi ji{\={a}} \  \ gongsi, \ chǎnpǐn y\òu\  \  \ hǎo / d\é-gu\ò jiǎng, \  \ f\úw\ù

\  \  \  \  \ at \  \  \  \ this Cl. company, product again good/get-Exp. price, service \ 

\  \  \  \  \ y\òu\ \ qinqi\è.

\  \  \  \  \ again friendly\ \ 

\  \  \  \  \ \‘The products of this company are good/have won a prize and its\ service

\  \  \  \  \ is nice.\’

\  \  \  b. (Z\ài) zh\èi ji{\={a}} gongsi, \  \  \  jinglǐ \  \ \ (*y\òu) \ guǎnlǐ \  lǎo k\èh\ù, yu\ángong

\  \  \  \  \  at \  \  \ this Cl. company, manager again manage old client, employee\ 

\  \  \  \  \  (*y\òu) \ k{\={a}}if{\={a}} \  \ \ xin \ k\èh\ù.

\  \  \  \  \  again develop new client

\  \  \  \  \ \ \‘In this company, the manager takes care of old clients and the

\  \  \  \  \  employees develop new ones.\’

(3) a. Xu\ésheng-men y\òu\  \ ting \  \  \ k\è \  \  \ y\òu\  \ xi{\v e}(-??xi\à) bǐj\ì.

\  \  \  \  \ student-Pl. \  \  \  again listen lesson again write-down note

\  \  \  \  \ \‘The students both listened to the lectures and wrote down some notes.\’

\  \  \  b. Xiǎom\íng y\òu\  \ ch\àng-le \  \  \ ge, \  \ y\òu\  \ ti\ào??(-le) \  \  wǔ.

\  \  \  \  \  Xiaoming again \ sing-Acp. song, again dance-Acp. dance

\  \  \  \  \  \‘Xiaoming both sang and danced.\’

\  \  \  c. T{\={a}} \  \ \ y\òu lǎndu\ò\ \ y\òu ??(sh\ích\áng) tou \ dongxi.

\  \  \  \  \  s/he again \ lazy \ again \  \  \  \  often \  \ steal \ thing

\  \  \  \  \  \‘S/he is lazy and often steals things.\’

\  \  \  d. Y\í \ ge \ \ y\òu\  \  \  ji\é*(-gu\ò/-le) \  \  \  hun \  \  \  \ y\òu\  \ yǒu \ h\áizi de n\ánr\én\…

\  \  \  \  \ one\ Cl. again marry-Exp./Acp. marriage again have child Rel. man

\  \  \  \  \ \‘a man who had a marriage and who has a kid\… / a man who is married

\  \  \  \  \ and has a kid\…\’

(4) a. L\óuti y\òu lǎoji\ù, X\ú t\àitai y\òu\  p\àng, ??(zǒu de zizigege \  y\í \ pi\àn xiǎng).

\  \  \  \  \ stair again old, \  Xu \ Mrs.\ again fat, \  \  \  walk DE creaking one Cl. sound

\  \  \  \  \ \‘The stairs were old and Mrs. Xu was fat. When she walked down, it

\  \  \  \  \ made creaking noises.\’

\  \  \  b. B\àba \ \ y\òu\  \  \ x\ù \  \  \  \ jiǔ \  \  / \ l\íji{\={a}}chuzǒu, \ m{\={a}}m{\={a}} \  \ y\òu\  \ sheng-le

\  \  \  \  \  father again abuse alcohol / leave-home, mother again \ catch-Acp.\ 

\  \  \  \  \  b\ìng, \  \  \ ?(wǒ zhen \ b\ù \  zhid\ào \  g{\={a}}i \  \ z{\v e}nme b\àn.)

\  \  \  \  \  sickness, \  \ I \  really Neg. know have-to \ how \  \ do

\  \  \  \  \  \‘Dad is alcoholic/has left home and Mom is sick, I really don\’t know what

\  \  \  \  \  to do.\’

}, keywords = {coordinate structures, syntax, {\textquotedblleft}y{\`o}u{\textellipsis}y{\`o}u{\textellipsis}, {\textquotedblright} semantics}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} } @inproceedings {danlos:hal-01145994, title = {Grammaires phrastiques et discursives fond{\'e}es sur les TAG : une approche de D-STAG avec les ACG}, year = {2015}, month = {06/2015}, pages = {158-169}, publisher = {Association pour le Traitement Automatique des Langues}, address = {Caen, France}, keywords = {Abstract Categorial Grammar, ACG, D-LTAG, D-STAG, discours, Discourse, grammaire, grammaire cat{\'e}gorielle abstraite, grammaire d{\textquoteright}arbres adjoints, grammar, semantics, s{\'e}mantique, syntax, syntaxe, TAG, Tree-Adjoining Grammar}, url = {https://hal.inria.fr/hal-01145994}, author = {Danlos, Laurence and Aleksandre Maskharashvili and Pogodalla, Sylvain} } @inbook {5197, title = {Stage Structure and Stage Salience for Event Semantics}, booktitle = {Aspectual Inquiries}, series = {Studies in {Natural} {Language} and {Linguistic} {Theory}}, number = {62}, year = {2005}, pages = {239{\textendash}264}, publisher = {Springer Netherlands}, organization = {Springer Netherlands}, address = {Dordrrecht}, keywords = {general, Linguistics, Philosophy, Philosophy of Language, Psycholinguistics, semantics, syntax}, isbn = {978-1-4020-3032-1 978-1-4020-3033-8}, url = {http://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/1-4020-3033-9_11}, author = {Patrick Caudal}, editor = {Kempchinsky, Paula and Slabakova, Roumyana} }