@conference {4903, title = {Correlative coordinations {\textquotedblleft}y{\`o}u{\textellipsis}y{\`o}u{\textellipsis}{\textquotedblright} and {\textquotedblleft}y{\`o}ush{\`\i}{\textellipsis}y{\`o}ush{\`\i}{\textellipsis}{\textquotedblright} in Chinese}, year = {2016}, month = {07/2016}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} } @conference {4902, title = {Conjunctions of predicates and phrasal categories}, year = {2015}, month = {12/2015}, keywords = {conjunction, coordinate structure, syntax}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} } @conference {4901, title = {Contraintes aspectuelles et interpr{\'e}tations temporelles de la construction de simultan{\'e}it{\'e} {\guillemotleft} y{\`\i}bi{\={a}}n{\textellipsis}y{\`\i}bi{\={a}}n{\textellipsis} {\guillemotright} en chinois contemporain}, year = {2015}, month = {07/2015}, abstract = {

\  \  \  Nous \étudions dans cet article les contraintes s\émantiques qui conditionnent l\’emploi de la construction de simultan\éit\é \«\ y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…\ \» en chinois mandarin. Nous montrons dans un premier temps qu\’un pr\édicat duratif et at\élique peut \être employ\é avec cette construction en fonction de son degr\é de dynamicit\é, que l\’acceptabilit\é d\’un pr\édicat non-duratif et t\élique d\épend en revanche du degr\é de contr\ôlabilit\é de celui-ci et enfin que le trait de durativit\é n\’a, lui, aucune cons\équence, contrairement aux affirmations de certains chercheurs. Nous expliquons dans un deuxi\ème temps que l\’emploi d\’un pr\édicat non-duratif et t\élique am\ène le plus souvent \à lier les actions d\écrites par les pr\édicats de la construction non plus par une relation de simultan\éit\é mais de cons\écutivit\é. Dans un troisi\ème temps, en comparant les cas o\ù les pr\édicats corr\él\és partagent ou non un m\ême sujet, nous concluons que les actions reli\ées par \«\ y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…\ \» doivent concerner un m\ême \év\ènement pour que la phrase soit grammaticale.

}, keywords = {aspect lexical, chinois, construction de simultan{\'e}it{\'e}, y{\`\i}bi{\={a}}n{\textellipsis}y{\`\i}bi{\={a}}n{\textellipsis}}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} } @conference {4892, title = {Coordinate structure {\textquotedblleft}y{\`o}u{\textellipsis}y{\`o}u{\textellipsis}{\textquotedblright} in Mandarin Chinese: A semantic and syntactic analysis}, year = {2015}, month = {05/2015}, abstract = {

\  \  \  The structure \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” is generally thought to coordinate predicates of a same subject. It describes coexisting properties or indicates actions that occur in the same time frame, and their conjuncts must belong to the same semantic domain (1-a). However, these descriptions are insufficient. Semantically, they could not explain why (1-b) is inacceptable. Syntactically, coordination of predicates with different subjects is actually possible (2-a), while constraints on it need to be specified (2-b). After analyzing 2096 examples of \“y\òu\…y\òu\…,\” we propose that (i) conjuncts of \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” should agree on their aspectual features and that (ii) \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” may coordinate predicates with different subjects if these predicates do not form independent sentences. Semantically, \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” requires that aspectual features of their conjuncts be symmetrical; asymmetric combinations are either inacceptable or marked. When the structure coordinates dynamic predicates to indicate specific actions, the conjuncts must agree on their telicity (3-a, 3-b). When a stative predicate is coordinated with a dynamic one, the dynamic predicate should either have a habitual reading (3-c) or be marked by a perfective marker (3-d): the former strategy makes a dynamic situation stative, and the latter presents it as an indecomposable whole on the axis of time, which makes it possible to be viewed as a property of an individual. Syntactically, \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” may coordinate predicates with different subjects in two conditions: (i) the coordinated propositions are related to another proposition in the sentence to indicate the cause (4-a, 4-b); (ii) the coordinated propositions share a same topic and serve to describe its properties (2-a). In other words, \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” do not coordinate independent sentences (2-b). In the first condition, \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” coordinates two subordinate propositions. In the second, the topic can be analyzed as a subject and the coordinated propositions as its predicates. To sum up, conjuncts of \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” should not only belong to identical semantic domain but also have symmetric aspectual features. This structure may coordinate predicates with different subjects while it does not coordinate different sentences. Our findings complement the grammar of \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” described in existing literature and could be useful to the teaching of this structure.

(1) a. Xiǎom\íng \ \ y\òu\  \  \ xǐ \  \  wǎn \  / \  *xǐzǎo \  \  \ \ y\òu\  \  zu\ò \ wǎnf\àn.

\  \  \  \  \ Xiaoming \ again wash \ bowl\ / take-a-bath again make dinner

\  \  \  \  \ \‘Xiaoming both did the dishes/*took a shower and made the dinner.\’

\  \  \  b. ??Xiǎom\íng y\òu\  \  \  \  xǐ-hǎo \  wǎn \ \ y\òu\  \  zu\ò \ wǎnf\àn.

\  \  \  \  \ Xiaoming \  \  again wash-done bowl again make dinner

\  \  \  \  \ \‘Xiaoming both finished the dishes and made the dinner.\’

(2) a. (*Z\ài) zh\èi ji{\={a}} \  \ gongsi, \ chǎnpǐn y\òu\  \  \ hǎo / d\é-gu\ò jiǎng, \  \ f\úw\ù

\  \  \  \  \ at \  \  \  \ this Cl. company, product again good/get-Exp. price, service \ 

\  \  \  \  \ y\òu\ \ qinqi\è.

\  \  \  \  \ again friendly\ \ 

\  \  \  \  \ \‘The products of this company are good/have won a prize and its\ service

\  \  \  \  \ is nice.\’

\  \  \  b. (Z\ài) zh\èi ji{\={a}} gongsi, \  \  \  jinglǐ \  \ \ (*y\òu) \ guǎnlǐ \  lǎo k\èh\ù, yu\ángong

\  \  \  \  \  at \  \  \ this Cl. company, manager again manage old client, employee\ 

\  \  \  \  \  (*y\òu) \ k{\={a}}if{\={a}} \  \ \ xin \ k\èh\ù.

\  \  \  \  \  again develop new client

\  \  \  \  \ \ \‘In this company, the manager takes care of old clients and the

\  \  \  \  \  employees develop new ones.\’

(3) a. Xu\ésheng-men y\òu\  \ ting \  \  \ k\è \  \  \ y\òu\  \ xi{\v e}(-??xi\à) bǐj\ì.

\  \  \  \  \ student-Pl. \  \  \  again listen lesson again write-down note

\  \  \  \  \ \‘The students both listened to the lectures and wrote down some notes.\’

\  \  \  b. Xiǎom\íng y\òu\  \ ch\àng-le \  \  \ ge, \  \ y\òu\  \ ti\ào??(-le) \  \  wǔ.

\  \  \  \  \  Xiaoming again \ sing-Acp. song, again dance-Acp. dance

\  \  \  \  \  \‘Xiaoming both sang and danced.\’

\  \  \  c. T{\={a}} \  \ \ y\òu lǎndu\ò\ \ y\òu ??(sh\ích\áng) tou \ dongxi.

\  \  \  \  \  s/he again \ lazy \ again \  \  \  \  often \  \ steal \ thing

\  \  \  \  \  \‘S/he is lazy and often steals things.\’

\  \  \  d. Y\í \ ge \ \ y\òu\  \  \  ji\é*(-gu\ò/-le) \  \  \  hun \  \  \  \ y\òu\  \ yǒu \ h\áizi de n\ánr\én\…

\  \  \  \  \ one\ Cl. again marry-Exp./Acp. marriage again have child Rel. man

\  \  \  \  \ \‘a man who had a marriage and who has a kid\… / a man who is married

\  \  \  \  \ and has a kid\…\’

(4) a. L\óuti y\òu lǎoji\ù, X\ú t\àitai y\òu\  p\àng, ??(zǒu de zizigege \  y\í \ pi\àn xiǎng).

\  \  \  \  \ stair again old, \  Xu \ Mrs.\ again fat, \  \  \  walk DE creaking one Cl. sound

\  \  \  \  \ \‘The stairs were old and Mrs. Xu was fat. When she walked down, it

\  \  \  \  \ made creaking noises.\’

\  \  \  b. B\àba \ \ y\òu\  \  \ x\ù \  \  \  \ jiǔ \  \  / \ l\íji{\={a}}chuzǒu, \ m{\={a}}m{\={a}} \  \ y\òu\  \ sheng-le

\  \  \  \  \  father again abuse alcohol / leave-home, mother again \ catch-Acp.\ 

\  \  \  \  \  b\ìng, \  \  \ ?(wǒ zhen \ b\ù \  zhid\ào \  g{\={a}}i \  \ z{\v e}nme b\àn.)

\  \  \  \  \  sickness, \  \ I \  really Neg. know have-to \ how \  \ do

\  \  \  \  \  \‘Dad is alcoholic/has left home and Mom is sick, I really don\’t know what

\  \  \  \  \  to do.\’

}, keywords = {coordinate structures, syntax, {\textquotedblleft}y{\`o}u{\textellipsis}y{\`o}u{\textellipsis}, {\textquotedblright} semantics}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} } @conference {4900, title = {On the syntax of two correlative constructions in Mandarin Chinese}, year = {2015}, month = {06/2015}, abstract = {

\  \  \  This paper investigates the syntactic structures of two correlative constructions in Mandarin: \“y\òu\… y\òu\…\” and \“y\ìbi{\={a}}n \… y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…\” Both of them correlate only predicates. \“Y\òu\… y\òu\…\” describes coexisting qualities of an entity (1-a) or actions occurring in the same time frame (1-b). \“Y\ìbi{\={a}}n \… y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…\” expresses the simultaneity of two actions (2).\ 

(1) a. y\òu\ \ \ \  \ m{\v e}il\ì\ \ \ \  y\òu\  \ congm\íng\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \  \ 

\  \  \  \  \ again beautiful again\ \  smart\ \ \ \ \ \  \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ 

\  \  \  \  \ \‘beautiful and smart\’\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \  \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ 

\  \  \ b. y\òu \ \ \ \ \ xǐ \  \  \  yifu\ \ \ \  \ y\òu \ \ \ \ zu\ò\ \  wǎnf\àn.

\  \  \  \  \ again wash clothes\  again\  make\  dinner

\  \  \  \  \ \‘do the laundry and make the dinner.\’

(2) y\ìbi{\={a}}n\  \  \  \ xǐ\ \ \ \ \  yifu \  \  \ y\ìbi{\={a}}n\  \  \ zu\ò\ \  wǎnf\àn.

\  \  \ one-side wash clothes one-side make \ dinner \ \ 

\  \  \ \‘make the dinner while doing the laundry.\’

\  \  \ \ These two constructions are considered coordinate structures in the literature (Chao, 1968; Zhang, 2008; Xing, 2003). Zhang (2008) further compares them to correlative coordinations in Germanic languages, arguing that the first correlator is a focus particle while the second one functions as a coordinator. Contrary to these views, we argue that while \“y\òu\… y\òu\…\” is indeed a coordination, \“y\ìbi{\={a}}n\… y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…\” is not. Moreover, the structure of \“y\òu\… y\òu\…\” is different from that of correlative coordinations in Germanic languages.

1. \“Y\òu\… y\òu\…\” constitutes coordinate structures while \“y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…\” forms adjunct-head relationships between the predicates that it connects.

\  \  \  No element can be extracted from either predicate in \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” sentences (3-a, 3-b, 4-a, 4-b) or from the first predicate of \“y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…\” (3-d, 4-d). However, extractions from the second predicate of \“y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…\” are allowed (3-c, 4-c). In addition, in some contexts, \“y\ìbi{\={a}}n Pred.1\” can appear before the subject (5) while no context allows \“y\òu Pred.1\” to move to the beginning of a sentence. In other words, \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” observes Coordinate Structure Constraint while \“y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…\” shows Adjunct Island effects.

(3) a. *Mǎl\ì \ \ y\òu\  \  \  \ xǐ \  \  \  yifu\ \  \  \ y\òu \ \ \ zu\ò \ \ ei\ \ \  de\ \ \  n\à\ \  \ d\ùn\ \  wǎnf\àni\…

\  \  \  \  \  Mary\  again\  wash clothes\  again\  make\ \ \ \ \  \ Rel. that \ \ Cl.\ \  \ dinner

\  \  \  b. *Mǎl\ì\  \ y\òu\  \  \  \ xǐ \ \ \ ei\ \ \  y\òu\  \  \ zu\ò\ \ \  wǎnf\àn\ \  de\ \ \  n\à\ \ \ \  xie\ \ \ \ \  yifui\…

\  \  \  \  \  Mary\  again\ \  wash\ \ \ \ \  again\  make\ \  dinner\  \ Rel. that\  some\  clothes

\  \  \ c. Mǎl\ì\ \  \ y\ìbi{\={a}}n\ \ \ \ \  \ xǐ\ \ \ \ \  yifu\ \ \ \ \  \ y\ìbi{\={a}}n\  \  \  zu\ò \ \ \ ei\ \  \ de\ \ \  n\à\ \  d\ùn

\  \  \  \  \ Mary one-side \ wash clothes\  one-side\  make \  \  \  \ Rel. \ that \ \ Cl. \ 

\  \  \  \  \ wǎnf\àni\…

\  \  \  \  \ dinner

\  \  \  \  \ \‘The dinner that Mary made while doing the laundry...\’

\  \  \  d. *Mǎl\ì \  \ y\ìbi{\={a}}n\  \  \  \ xǐ\ \ \  \ ei\  \ \ y\ìbi{\={a}}n\ \ \ \  zu\ò\ \  wǎnf\àn\ \  de\ \ \ \  n\à\  \ \ \ xie\ \ \ \ \ 

\  \  \  \  \  \ Mary \ one-side\  wash\ \ \  \ \ one-side \ make\  dinner\  \ Rel.\  that\  some \ 

\  \  \  \  \  \ yifui\…

\  \  \  \  \  \ clothes\ 

(4) a. *Jinti{\={a}}n\  de\  wǎnf\àni\  sh\ì \ \ Mǎl\ì\  \ \ y\òu \ \ \ \ xǐ\ \ \ \ \  yifu\ \ \ \ \ \  y\òu \ \ \ \ \ zu\ò \ \ ei\  de.

\  \  \  \  \ \ Today\  Gen.\  dinner\  \ be\ \  Mary\  again\ wash clothes\ \ again\ \  make \  \ \ DE

\  \  \  b. *Jinti{\={a}}n\  de\ \ \ \  yifui\ \  sh\ì\ \  Mǎl\ì \ \ \ y\òu \ \ \ \ \ \ xǐ \ \ \ ei\ \ y\òu \ \ \ zu\ò\ \ \  wǎnf\àn\  de.

\  \  \  \  \ Today \  \ Gen. clothes\ be\ \ Mary\ \ again\ \  wash\ \  \ again\  make\ \  dinner\  DE

\  \  \  c. Jinti{\={a}}n\ \ de\  \ wǎnf\àni\  \ sh\ì \ Mǎl\ì\  \ y\ìbi{\={a}}n \ \  \  \  xǐ\  \  \  \ yifu \  \  \ y\ìbi{\={a}}n\ \ 

\  \  \  \  \ Today \  Gen. \ dinner\ \  \ be \ Mary\ one-side\  wash clothes \ one-side

\  \  \  \  \ zu\ò\  \ ei\  \ de.

\  \  \  \  \ make \  \  \ DE

\  \  \  \  \ \‘Today\’s dinner was made by Mary while she did the laundry.\’

d. *Jinti{\={a}}n\  de\ \ \ \  yifui\ \  sh\ì\ \  Mǎl\ì\  \ \ y\ìbi{\={a}}n \ \ \ \  xǐ \ \ \ ei\ \ \  y\ìbi{\={a}}n \ \ \ zu\ò\ \ \ wǎnf\àn de.\ 

\  \  \ Today\  Gen. clothes\ be\  Mary\  one-side\ wash\ \ \ \ \ one-side\ make\  dinner DE

(5) Y\ìbi{\={a}}n \ \ \ zǒu, \ \ t{\={a}} \ y\ìbi{\={a}}n \ \ y\òng qu\án qing \ \ qi{\={a}}o \ \ z\ìjǐ \ \ de \ \ \ \ t\óu.

\  \  \ one-side walk, he one-side use\  \ fist \ lightly knock self Gen. head

\  \  \‘While walking, he gently knocked his head with a fist.\’ (Laoshe \“Looking at

\  \  Chang\’an\” )

2. \“Y\òu\… y\òu\…\” is a simple coordinate structure formed by two identical adverbs instead of a correlative coordination composed of a focus particle and a coordinator.

\  \  \  Unlike \“and\” or \“or,\” a single \“y\òu\” does not have the function of a coordinator. It is simply an adverb that marks the accumulation of events or properties (Biq, 1988). \“Y\òu\” can appear with both the conjunction \“\érqi{\v e}\” \‘and\’ (6-a) and the subordinator \“zhih\òu\” \‘after\’ (6-b), which shows that it constitutes neither coordinate nor subordinate relationships between the elements that it links. In contrast, \“and,\” as a coordinator, is not compatible with any subordinator (7), nor is \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” (6-c). In addition, the first \“y\òu\” of \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” should not be analyzed as a focus or restrictive particle such as \“even\” or \“only.\” The position of the first \“y\òu\” is rather fixed\— it should stays right in front of the first conjunct (8) and does not \“float\” as freely as \“both\” or \“either\” in correlative coordinations of Germanic languages (Johannessen, 2005; Zhang, 2008) (9). On the contrary, the restrictive adverb \“zhǐ\” \‘only\’ can appear at different preverbal positions and creates scope effects (10), just as \“only\” in English. \ 

(6) a. T{\={a}} \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ xǐ-le \ \ \ \ \ \ wǎn, \ (\érqi{\v e}) y\òu \ \ \ tuo-le \ \ \ \ \ \ \ d\ì.

\  \  \  \  \ s/he wash-Acp. dishes,\  and\  again mop-Acp. floor

\  \  \  \  \ \‘S/he washed the dishes, and mopped the floor, too.\’

\  \  \  b. T{\={a}} \ \ \ \ \ \  \ xǐ-le \ \ \ \ \ \ wǎn \ (zhih\òu), y\òu \ \ \ \ tuo-le \ \ \ \ \ \ d\ì.

\  \  \  \  \  s/he wash-Acp. dishes\ \  after, \  again mop-Acp. floor

\  \  \  \  \  \‘After washing the dishes, s/he mopped the floor, too.\’

\  \  \  c. T{\={a}} \ \ \ \ \ \ y\òu\  \  \  \  xǐ-le \ \ \ \ \ \ wǎn (*zhih\òu), \ y\òu \ \ \ tuo-le \ \ \ \ \ \ \ d\ì.

\  \  \  \  \  s/he \  again wash-Acp. dishes\ \  after,\  \ again mop-Acp. floor

(7) (*After/*Before/*When) she washed the dishes and mopped the floor.

(8) a. T{\={a}} \ \ \ xiǎng y\òu\ \  \ k\àn \ \ \ \ di\ànsh\ì \ \ \ \ y\òu \ w\án \ y\óux\ì.

\  \  \  \  \  s/he want again watch television again play games

\  \  \  \  \  \‘S/he wants to watch TV and also play video games.\’

\  \  \  b. T{\={a}} \ \ \ \ y\òu \ \ xiǎng k\àn \ \ \ \ di\ànsh\ì \ \ \ \ y\òu *(xiǎng) w\án y\óux\ì.

\  \  \  \  \  s/he again want watch television again\ \  want\ \  play games

(9) Max wants to eat either grapes or cherries. / Max wants to either eat grapes or cherries. /

Max either wants to eat grapes, or cherries. (Examples from Zhang, 2008)

(10) a. T{\={a}} \ \ xiǎng \ zhǐ \ \ k\àn \ \ \ \ di\ànsh\ì.\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ b. T{\={a}}\ \ \  \ \ zhǐ \ \ xiǎng \ \ \ k\àn \ \ di\ànsh\ì.

\  \  \  \  \  \ s/he want \ only watch television \ \  \  \  \  \ s/he\ \  only\  want\ \  watch \  \ TV

\  \  \  \  \  \ \‘S/he wants to watch TV only.\’\ \ \ \ \ \  \  \  \ \ \‘S/he only wants to watch TV.\’

\  \  \  In conclusion, not all correlative constructions in Chinese are correlative coordinations similar to those in Germanic languages. \“Y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…y\ìbi{\={a}}n\…\” forms VP adjunctions, and \“y\òu\…y\òu\…\” is a simple coordinate structure made up of two identical adverbs. Our findings improve the current understandings of coordinate structures in Chinese.

References

Biq, Y.-O. (1988). From objectivity to subjectivity: The text-building function of you in Chinese. Studies in Language, 12(1), 99-122.

Chao, Y. R. (1968). A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Berkeley; Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press.

Johannessen, J. B. (2005). The syntax of correlative adverbs. Lingua, 115, 419-443.

邢福义 [Xing, Fu-Yi] (2001)。汉语复句研究 [Study on Complex Sentences of Mandarin Chinese]。北京:商务印书馆 [Peking: The Commercial Press]。

Zhang, N. N. (2008). Repetitive and correlative coordinators as focus particles parasitic on coordinators. SKY Journal of Linguistics, 21, 295-342.

}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} } @conference {4888, title = {Requests in Chinese e-mails: Strategy types, discourse patterns and interpersonal variations}, year = {2013}, month = {09/2013}, abstract = {

\  \  \  With the increasing use of the Internet as a means of communication, the study of requests by e-mails has evolved. Most previous researches in this area have been conducted around the use of the English language. This study, however, aims to investigate strategies and discourse pattern employed in Chinese request e-mails, and to explore the influence of interpersonal factors on the choice of requestive strategies. The data include 160 e-mails written in academic situations, elicited from 40 university students in Taiwan, all of whom are native speakers of Mandarin Chinese. The result reveals that, on average, a Chinese request email include 1 to 2 head acts accompanied by 9 to 10 supportive moves. Most of the head acts are realized through direct strategies, among which, \“hedged performatives\” and \“want statements\” are the two most preferred ones. As to supportive moves, \“grounders\” outnumber all the other strategies in the e-mails. In relation to the information sequence, Chinese e-mail requests prefer an \“indirect discourse,\” where the first head acts could be seen only after 59\% of the supportive moves are used. Regarding interpersonal variants, the present study shows that both \“social distance\” and \“relative power\” have significant effects on the choice of strategies. The findings support Gu\’s (2011) observation that e-mails, as a communication means, are more similar to personal handwritten letters than to any computer-mediated platforms. Requests made by e-mails are like those made through letters on both strategy and discourse levels. Besides, \“reducing status effects,\” which could be found in some online communication platforms, are absent in the data of present study.

Main references

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Blum-Kulka, S, House, J., \& Kasper, G (1989) (Eds.), Cross-cultural pragmatics: Requests and apologies. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.

Chang, Y.-Y., \& Hsu, Y.-P. (1998). Requests on e-mail: A cross-cultural comparison. RELC Journal, 29, 121-150.

Cultan, M. J., \& Markus, M. L. (1987). Information technologies. In F. M. Jablin, L. L. Putnam, K. H. Roberts, \& L. W. Porter (Eds.), Handbook of organizational communication: An interdisciplinary perspective (pp. 420-443). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Gu, Y. (2011). Modern Chinese politeness revisited. In F. Bargiela-Chiappini, \& D. Z. K\ád\ár (Eds.), Politeness across cultures (pp. 128-148). Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.

Hong, W. (1996). An empirical study of Chinese request strategies. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 122, 127-138.

Lin, Y. H. (2009). Query preparatory modals: Cross-linguistic and cross-situational variations in request modification. Journal of Pragmatics, 41, 1636\–1656.

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}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} } @conference {4887, title = {汉语电子邮件中请求语言之使用 [Requ{\^e}tes dans les courriels du chinois]}, year = {2012}, month = {05/2012}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} } @article {4884, title = {「租」和「借」的語義特徵及其在雙賓句式中的表現 [{\guillemotleft} Zu {\guillemotright} {\textquoteleft}louer{\textquoteright} et {\guillemotleft} ji{\`e} {\guillemotright} {\textquoteleft}emprunter/pr{\^e}ter{\textquoteright} : Caract{\'e}ristiques s{\'e}mantiques et emplois dans la construction ditransitive]}, journal = {台灣華語文教學 [Enseignement du Chinois en tant que Langue {\'E}trang{\`e}re]}, volume = {10}, year = {2011}, pages = {40-50}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} } @conference {4885, title = {表持續義的「還」與「還是」 [Les adverbes {\guillemotleft} h{\'a}i {\guillemotright} et {\guillemotleft} h{\'a}ish{\`\i} {\guillemotright} : S{\'e}mantique, pragmatique et fonctions dans le discours]}, year = {2011}, month = {12/2011}, author = {Ting-shiu Lin} }